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Capitalism in sentence

1376 examples of Capitalism in a sentence

In the case of the doctrine of laissez-faire capitalism, the claim is more difficult to dispute because it is based on economic theory, and economics is the most reputable of the social sciences.
The system of robber capitalism that has taken hold in that country is so iniquitous that people may well turn to a charismatic leader promising national revival at the cost of civil liberties.
At the other extreme, laissez-faire capitalism would lead to great instability and eventual breakdown.
There is socialism for the rich, and capitalism for the poor.
The result will be even more support than was seen in last April’s presidential election for extremist political parties that reject both Europe and competitive market capitalism.
Unfortunately, Blair and his government are perceived to be tainted by some of the less attractive features of free-market capitalism.
Eventually, capitalism transformed itself and its gains began to be shared more widely.
Democracy, in turn, tamed capitalism further.
Eventually, technological progress undermined industrial capitalism.
For less skilled workers, however, service-sector jobs meant giving up the negotiated benefits of industrial capitalism.
In my book Capitalism 4.0, I argued that comparable political upheavals would follow the fourth systemic breakdown of global capitalism heralded by the 2008 crisis.
When a particular model of capitalism is working successfully, material progress relieves political pressures.
If trade, competition, and technological progress are to power the next phase of capitalism, they will have to be paired with government interventions to redistribute the gains from growth in ways that Thatcher and Reagan declared taboo.
In the inter-war period, capitalism seemed doomed by intolerable inequalities, deflation, and mass unemployment.
In the 1960s and 1970s, capitalism appeared to be collapsing for the opposite reasons: inflation and a backlash by taxpayers and business interests against the redistributive policies of “big government.”
To note this pattern of recurring crises is not to claim that some law of nature dictates a near-collapse of global capitalism every 50 or 60 years.
It is, however, to recognize that democratic capitalism is an evolving system that responds to crises by radically transforming both economic relations and political institutions.
So we should see today’s turmoil as a predictable response to the breakdown of one specific model of global capitalism in 2008.
It therefore seemed reasonable to expect the breakdown of deregulated financial capitalism to trigger a fourth seismic change (Capitalism 4.0, I called it in 2010) in both politics and economic thinking.
But if global capitalism really is entering a new evolutionary phase, what are its likely characteristics?
The defining feature of each successive stage of global capitalism has been a shift in the boundary between economics and politics.
In classical nineteenth-century capitalism, politics and economics were idealized as distinct spheres, with interactions between government and business confined to the (necessary) raising of taxes for military adventures and the (harmful) protection of powerful vested interests.
In the second, Keynesian version of capitalism, markets were viewed with suspicion, while government intervention was assumed to be correct.
In India, the private sector – and capitalism generally – evokes feelings of deep ambivalence.
But after that era of good capitalism, the stigma returned.
More broadly, one could say that India has moved from “crony socialism” to “stigmatized capitalism.”
And under stigmatized capitalism, the prevailing zeitgeist has hobbled policymakers’ efforts to address the legacy of the twin-balance-sheet problem, which, in turn, has constrained growth.
India’s early-stage experience with capitalism has lessons that other countries should heed in an age of rising tech giants.
The irony is that after a long and bruising experience with crony capitalism, the best thing for India now might be more capitalism, starting in the financial sector.
Hence, the two parties: the one that sees its economic future riding on the great transnational transformations of global capitalism; the other, desperately seeking to reinforce frontiers so as to reunite, once again, imagined identity space with real decision space.
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