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Capita in sentence

1261 examples of Capita in a sentence

According to the economists Barry Eichengreen, Donghyun Park, and Kwanho Shin, that share is about 60% of America’s per capita income (at 2005 international prices).
In 1971-1973, Japan’s per capita GDP fell to roughly 65% of that of the United States in purchasing-power-parity terms, while the Asian Tigers experienced economic downturns of varying degrees when they reached roughly the same income level relative to Japan.
Indeed, considering that China’s per capita income amounts to only about 10-20% of that of the US, with massive regional differentials within China, its growth potential, as dictated by the convergence hypothesis, is far from tapped.
Per capita income in Moscow is similar to that of Spain or Italy.
According to the positive narrative about emerging markets, industrialization, urbanization, per capita income growth, and the rise of a middle-class consumer society were supposed to boost long-term economic and sociopolitical stability.
This is not a complete surprise: in many countries, working classes and rural farmers have benefited from per capita income increases and a broadening social safety net, while the middle classes feel the pinch from rising inflation, poor public services, corruption, and intrusive government.
As always, consumers are politically less powerful than producers, as their per capita losses are smaller than the producers’ per capita gains, and they face more barriers to collective action.
Indeed, US carbon emissions have dropped some 20% per capita, and are now at their lowest level since Dwight D. Eisenhower left the White House in 1961.
Yet its per capita CO2 emissions have fallen by less than half of the reduction achieved in the US – even in percentage terms, the US is now doing better.
When poor countries consume as much per capita as rich countries, will there be enough oil to go around?
In our system, a country exceeding the worldwide average for per capita emissions would pay a specified amount on every ton of CO2 (or its equivalent) above a set threshold.
This system would initially benefit countries with the lowest per capita emissions, meaning that most of the funds would flow towards the least-developed countries.
Once it is fully operational, the price-and-rebate mechanism would encourage all countries to reduce their per capita emissions, thereby reducing the gap between payments and rebates.
A rate of $7-$8 per ton would generate enough revenue to deliver on this promise, with the money flowing to countries with low per capita emissions.
Francis’s words highlight the fact that it is no longer enough to think of global development as a discrete set of concepts, such as per capita income growth or the number of university graduates.
The pace of convergence accelerated further during, and just after, the global financial crisis of 2008-2009: the aggregate average differential in per capita income growth increased to more than four percentage points in the 2008-2012 period, from a little more than two percentage points in the two decades before.
Latin America’s Next Growth ChallengeSince 2003, Latin America’s economies have been thriving, with GDP, including estimates for 2006, up by 17% – an average annual growth rate of 4.3% and a 12% increase in per capita GDP.
Indeed, while Latin America’s GDP per capita is lower than the world average, it surpasses all other developing regions, as well as the world average, in the main social indicators.
In fact, per capita GDP – and thus productivity – in a number of Chinese provinces with a combined population of over 100 million is similar to that of advanced countries (around $30,000 per capita at purchasing power parity).
To be sure, it remains the world’s eighth-largest economy, with a per capita income of roughly €26,000 ($29,300) and a relatively high gross savings rate of 18% of GDP.
But from 2000 to 2015, real GDP shrank slightly, while real per capita income dropped by 0.5%.
The 2012-2014 period was especially difficult, with a deep and prolonged recession resulting in a 2.1% drop in real GDP and 4.3% drop in real per capita income.
Even taking into account the increasing demographic differential, which now amounts to about half a percentage point per year, the US economy has grown by about 4.5 percentage points more over these three years on a per capita basis.
In China, it is less than 40% – far below the norm for the world’s major economies and for other Asian economies at a comparable stage of development – despite nearly 7% annual average growth in China’s per capita consumption in recent years.
Indeed, both countries have entered an era of perennial water scarcity, which before long is likely to equal, in terms of per capita availability, the water shortages found in the Middle East.
Over the past 20 years, annual per capita GDP growth in Latin America averaged 0.35%.
Its per capita GDP is only half that of Brazil.
Based on the relationship between changes in real per capita health-care spending and changes in unemployment rates at the state level, the recent Economic Report of the President concludes that the recession and lackluster recovery account for less than 20% of the slowdown in health-care spending since 2007 – and for an even smaller share of the slowdown that began in 2002.
The Council of Economic Advisers, whose members write the president’s report, surmise that structural changes – including stronger incentives for efficiency by hospitals and providers, more cost-sharing in insurance policies, and the substitution of generic drugs for branded drugs – explain most of the deceleration in per capita spending growth.
Of the 13 post-war cases of sustained high growth (soon to be 15, with the addition of India and Vietnam), only five economies – Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore – have maintained high growth rates through the middle-income transition and proceeded toward advanced-country income levels of $20,000 per capita or above.
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