Budgets
in sentence
794 examples of Budgets in a sentence
Nonetheless, elected officials find a Tobin tax highly appealing, because it could blunt criticism and divert attention from fundamental, but politically paralyzing, problems surrounding economic policy, particularly budgets, debt, and slow growth.
Meanwhile, proposals for pre-adoption assessment of national
budgets
by the EU have attracted criticism in France and elsewhere, which serves as a reminder of the distance there is between calls for coordination and actual acceptance of its implications.
I hope that the other G-20 leaders do a better job of reining in their
budgets.
Reliable statistics were not available in all countries, and for years there was no political will to protect public
budgets
from the impact of rapidly aging populations on pension and health-care costs.
The financial crisis hit fragile public
budgets
with full force.
Budgets
are prepared in offices far from the intended site of delivery, and bilateral and multilateral programs often establish priorities (like health care, schooling, or poverty reduction) without much input from the receiving country.
Of course, no one wants to break
budgets
or create dependency.
New Power, New Responsibility calls for “deepening” the European Union through measures that would include democratizing EU financial decision-making by directly engaging national parliamentarians and exchanging tighter European fiscal constraints on member governments’
budgets
for a European banking union, a eurozone budget, and Eurobonds.
To this end, they could begin by applying, say, 5% of their procurement
budgets
to nurture urgently needed solutions in areas with potentially large global markets.
A Window of Opportunity for European DefenseMADRID – With
budgets
exceptionally tight in Europe nowadays, worries about European defense have been growing.
Voting
budgets
in parliament – a representative institution – ensured that the people as a whole were liable for the obligations incurred by their government.
The hope is that governments putting wellbeing at the center of their agenda will redirect their
budgets
accordingly.
But countries in the region, fearing a large number of refugees and the impact they might have on government budgets, have opposed such a move.
This represents one of the highest percentages among developing countries anywhere, and I hope that our example will encourage leaders elsewhere to devote at least 20% of their national
budgets
to education.
Claims that migrants are a drain on national
budgets
are similarly inaccurate.
But the program remains legally dubious, as it creates a massive shadow budget financed by borrowing that will operate parallel to the EU and national budgets, thereby placing a substantial risk-sharing burden on taxpayers.
Making matters worse, only a fraction of the new borrowing enabled by the mutualization of liability will be factored into national
budgets.
In recent years, banks have been berated for using shadow budgets, in the form of special-purpose vehicles and conduits, to take on excessive risk.
And central bankers are right to insist on structural reforms and credible plans for balancing
budgets
in the long term.
This agenda would include completion of the single market to create jobs; a common defense policy in an era in which national
budgets
cannot meet global ambitions; energy and the environment, where the gains, financial and otherwise, of cooperation could be enormous; the fight against illegal immigration and organized crime; and art, culture, and higher education, where Europe is struggling to match the US.
Given today’s difficult economic and fiscal conditions, where public-sector investment is likely to be crowded out in national budgets, this program represents a major commitment to growth-oriented public sector investment.
A recent analysis for the US suggests that entitlements programs’ liabilities will hit the public
budgets
in about ten years.
Nine West African governments spend, on average, just over 1% of their
budgets
on nutrition.
Post communist states have among the most generous social
budgets
in the world, when measured as a percent of GDP.
Social
budgets
tend to claim 15 - 30% of GDP, in comparison with outlays in East Asia of between 5-10% of GDP for social programs.
For their part, state governments, forced by new limits on the deductibility of state and local taxes to pare their budgets, are likely to move further in the direction of limiting the duration of unemployment benefits and the extent of their own food and nutrition assistance.
At a time when rich countries like the United States are running deficits of 12% of GDP because of the global financial meltdown, the IMF has been telling countries like Latvia and Ukraine, which did not start the crisis but have turned to the Fund to help combat it, that they must balance their
budgets
if they want aid.
This is good news, but we will need to do more to offset the coming loss of US support at a time when
budgets
are already strained by the fast-increasing humanitarian needs of the world’s other 60 million displaced people, including more than 20 million refugees (a post-World War II record).
Meanwhile, state and local-government
budgets
are improving, and the federal budget is on track to subtract only about 0.5% from GDP in 2014, compared to 1.75% in 2013.
The non-tradable sector, which created virtually all of the new employment in the two decades prior to the crisis, is stagnating, owing to a shortfall in domestic demand and seriously constrained government
budgets.
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