Budgets
in sentence
794 examples of Budgets in a sentence
In particular, it is now evident that simply maintaining balanced national
budgets
and controlling inflation, while leaving the market to do the rest, does not automatically generate sustained and inclusive growth.
In fact, over the past decade, the government has slashed
budgets
at several top health agencies, including the CDC, the National Institutes of Health (NIH), and state and local health departments.
Allowing major multinational companies, which are already reaping massive profits and crowding smaller players out of entire industries, to avoid paying much tax does far-reaching damage, not least by exacerbating inequality and weakening public
budgets.
Witness how expenditure cuts by US state governments – many of which are constitutionally required to balance their
budgets
– frustrated, to some degree, America’s massive federal-government stimulus in 2010-2011.
Over the last few decades, many developing countries – such as Colombia, Nepal, Ethiopia, and Mozambique – have liberalized their abortion laws to save women’s lives and to reduce the costs to their health
budgets
of treating injuries caused by unsafe abortions.
It was President Clinton, not Bush or Reagan, who declared that "the era of big government was over" as his administration radically reversed traditional Democratic positions on welfare, balanced budgets, public debt reduction, and the encouragement of business.
There are a time and place for tighter
budgets
and higher interest rates, especially when monetization of large government budget deficits fuels inflation.
After all, futures markets predicted prices of $75 or higher; the Saudi and Russian governments needed $100 to balance their budgets; and any price much below $50 was considered unsustainable, because it would put the US shale-oil industry out of business.
Saudi Arabia or Russia may want, or even “need,” an oil price of $70 or $80 to balance their
budgets.
Even though defense
budgets
are under pressure in this time of austerity, it is essential that NATO members hold the line on defense spending and are prepared to increase it when their economies recover.
The US sees falling European defence
budgets
accompanied by new and unnecessary command structures, which merely duplicate the command structure that exists within NATO.
For public finance, too, the orthodox rule was that
budgets
should always be balanced; except in emergencies, governments should never spend more than they “earned” in taxation.
Almost all states’ constitutions require balanced
budgets
(with exceptions for emergencies).
There are still no nano-scale products on the market, but governments around the world are betting huge research
budgets
on the power of nanotechnology to transform the world as profoundly as the microelectronics revolution.
Introducing private medicine might even take some pressure off public health
budgets.
It looks like they will be able to cobble together a “fast-start” fund of $10 billion a year for the next few years, but more does not fit into their national
budgets.
Developed countries’ governments are laboring under the misapprehension that funding must come from their national
budgets.
It is one thing is to be sanctioned for breaching the rules, as with the Stability and Growth Pact; it is quite another thing to permit elected national governments and parliaments to be overruled, and national
budgets
censored, by an unelected higher authority.
The remainder is assigned for discretionary spending across various ministries in proportions often related to past
budgets.
With separate and relatively independent budgets, coordination becomes very difficult.
By allocating a small proportion of each year’s budget to priorities identified in this way, we may find that, over time,
budgets
become more responsive and better reflect society’s evolving needs.
For every Apple and Google – explorers par excellence – count the energy companies with their cozy tax deals, the defense contractors that live off government budgets, and the pharmaceutical companies that buy their innovations and price what the market will bear, thanks to patents that governments grant, but without policing their holders.
Some countries, like the United Kingdom, Norway, Sweden, South Korea, and Australia, are increasing their foreign-aid budgets; others, even traditionally generous donors like Japan and the Netherlands, have reduced theirs.
Unfortunately, aid
budgets
are threatened by fiscal weakness in almost all of the advanced countries.
It shrank its
budgets
and began to downsize, and, while it was handed some new responsibilities in the meantime – surveillance over “currency manipulation,” in particular – its deliberations proved largely irrelevant.
Governments should consider how to give taxpayers a stake in such profitable outcomes from publicly supported research, not least to replenish public R&D
budgets.
However, early retirement schemes also imply tremendous-and often neglected-costs for government
budgets
and the pension systems by increasing benefit payments while reducing contributions.
Second, in order to expand services to the poor without over-burdening already-strained public budgets, policymakers should pursue innovative new partnerships with private-sector actors.
Economists who, under Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush, talked such a good game about excessive tax burdens and the importance of balanced
budgets
went very quiet after Clinton took office in January 1993, and stayed quiet after January 2001, when George W. Bush’s administration dismantled so much of what the Clinton administration had accomplished.
The amount of spending on rice alone by Africans equals the combined national
budgets
of Ghana and Senegal.
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