Borrow
in sentence
809 examples of Borrow in a sentence
This primarily benefited wealthy households, which could, for example,
borrow
to make long-term investments that would finance future, rather than current, consumption.
With troubled commercial banks more risk-averse, these struggling consumers could no longer
borrow
to roll over their debt and finance current consumption, which came to a halt, deepening the recession.
This problem could be solved by boosting the Fund’s capacity to borrow, while reducing the amount of resources that the Fund needs to set aside for FCL-like facilities.
If investors are unwilling to finance the French budget deficit – that is, if France cannot
borrow
to finance that deficit – France will be forced to default.
And it is precisely this "irrational exuberance" (to
borrow
an expression used by Chairman Alan Greenspan of the Federal Reserve Board, when he reported to the American Congress last year) that in time could bring this phase of American economic expansion to an end.
If states
borrow
too much, the probability that they will be able to repay falls, and creditors demand higher interest rates in exchange.
This, in turn, reduces their inclination to
borrow.
In order to prevent the artificial reduction of interest rates from encouraging countries to
borrow
excessively, political debt brakes are instituted.
One way to deflect the attention is to
borrow
the old anti-imperialist rhetoric of the left.
And rising house prices in some regions make it easier to
borrow
even more to spend on other daily needs such as diapers and baby food.
In any case, do we really want the former borrowers to
borrow
themselves into trouble again?
I borrow, at face value, €10 million of the Greek government’s 2016 bond, which is then trading at €0.91, from Goldman Sachs for six months.
But I was shocked by how large a panic was produced by what seemed to me – and still does – relatively small losses (in terms of the size of the global economy) in subprime mortgages; by the weakness of risk controls at the major highly-leveraged banks; by how deep the decline in demand was; by how ineffective the market’s equilibrium-restoring forces have been at rebalancing labor-market supply and demand; and by how much core-country governments have been able to
borrow
to support demand without triggering any run-up in interest rates.
The combination of low household saving and substantial government dissaving would normally force a country to
borrow
from the rest of the world.
But Japan maintains a current-account surplus and continues to send more than 3% of its GDP abroad, providing more than $175 billion of funds this year for other countries to
borrow.
Since 2008, however, few aspiring entrepreneurs have been able to
borrow
significant amounts of money from banks.
Lukashenko was forced by the removal of Russian oil-price subsidies in 2009 to beg, borrow, or steal enough funds to keep Belarus’s economy from collapsing.
They are right that Fannie and Freddie were “too big to fail,” which enabled them to
borrow
more cheaply and take on more risk – with too little equity funding to back up their exposure.
For governments with access to today’s extremely low – and often negative – real interest rates, it may seem like a no-brainer to
borrow
and invest more in projects with long-term benefits.
Specifically, donors would
borrow
against future aid flows in capital markets.
Unlike farmers, who did not
borrow
at all, SOEs borrowed heavily from state-owned banks.
Because governments
borrow
money when they go to war, some commentators joke that this may be what Kohl means when he says that monetary union will prevent another European war.
By driving the market to a so-called “good” equilibrium, such a country’s yields remain low, and it can continue to
borrow.
(Today, companies in the eurozone periphery
borrow
at substantially higher rates than their counterparts in the core.
To
borrow
from abroad, America must give its trading partners something in return for their capital: US demand for products made overseas.
The answer may be that credit markets are more developed in advanced economies than they are in emerging countries, particularly in terms of the degree to which households are able to
borrow.
Of course, one might argue that Asian thrift and American profligacy merely reflect asymmetric demands for credit: Asians are intrinsically more reluctant to
borrow.
A more plausible explanation is that institutional differences in the ability to
borrow
dictate to some extent the disparity in savings rates across countries.
When interest rates decline, borrowers are able to
borrow
more.
The young normally face low, current wage income, but faster growth in future income, and would ideally
borrow
against future income to augment consumption today and to invest in education.
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