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Banking in sentence

2429 examples of Banking in a sentence

Avoiding a post-exit implosion of the Greek banking system, however, might require temporary measures, such as bank holidays and capital controls, to prevent a disorderly run on deposits.
European taxpayers would effectively take over the Greek banking system, but this would be partial compensation for the losses imposed on creditors by drachmatization.
Likewise, in order to reduce financial-sector risks (including excessive leverage and shadow banking), regulation of banking and insurance have been consolidated under the new China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission.
Financial reforms are in the hands of People’s Bank of China Governor Yi Gang, a US-educated economist, and the chairman of the China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, Guo Shuqing, an Oxford-trained economist with experience in provincial leadership, central banking, and securities regulation.
The EU would also need a banking union to make credit available on equal terms in every country.
Then, Ireland became a model for how not to manage a property bubble and, subsequently, a banking crisis.
In particular, it needs to focus on how the banking crisis has affected the economy’s long-term growth potential, on how the nature and structure of the banking system needs to be changed, on local businesses’ ability to adapt in a credit crunch, and on the mounting social costs of austerity.
First, although Europe might be able to scrape through the current crisis on austerity alone, it would be left ill-equipped to address deeper structural shortcomings, to say nothing of making progress on fiscal, banking, and political union.
But would it also galvanize the country sufficiently to reshape its banking industry, restore a failing health-care system, or repair the social damage wrought in towns across Ireland?
We agree on the need to forge a proper European banking union, but disagree on the need to put the financial genie back in its bottle.
The Hispanic approach emphasizes migrants’ involvement in banking by offering a range of banking services in both the country of origin and the host country, products of specific interest to migrants, and low commissions on foreign transfers.
The second monopoly is exercised in the banking sector.
There is thus a real need in the Franc Zone for a financing institution that would convert migrant remittances into productive investments, thereby generating jobs and wealth, and that would broaden access to banking services, mortgages, insurance products, pension plans, and technical assistance.
Of course, for some Germans, the lack of solidarity regarding refugees is simply a compelling excuse for blocking reforms that they never supported in the first place, such as the completion of a European banking union.
In China, the government holds safe bonds as a hedge against a future banking crisis and, of course, as a byproduct of efforts to stabilize the exchange rate.
Though the American banking system historically featured thousands of small banks, the “too big to fail” phenomenon is not exactly new.
Worse yet, the burden of banking losses that will sooner or later be socialized, and that of future unfunded public pension and health costs, are often understated in official debt figures.
The AQR is the key element in a “comprehensive assessment” of Europe’s banks before the ECB formally takes on supervisory responsibility for more than 80% of the eurozone banking system in November.
But the creation of the European banking union has not been the only important change to Europe’s financial regulation since the crisis.
ESMA supervises rating agencies directly; but, outside banking, national authorities retain their day-to-day oversight responsibilities.
In the early 1990’s, Norway, Sweden, and Finland experienced a horrendous real-estate, banking, and currency crisis.
Electoral cycles (and the accompanying political pressures) are such that monetary policy, banking, and many other areas of policy and economic activity must be overseen by those with professional competence and a much longer time horizon than that of politicians.
And the start of a banking union also helps; following the latest stress tests and asset quality review, banks have greater liquidity and more capital to lend to the private sector.
Its long-term viability requires the development over time of a full banking union, fiscal union, economic union, and eventually political union.
Most disappointing to reformers has been the official rejection of the “Glass-Steagall” approach to banking reform.
This would have restored the separation between retail and investment banking, which was swept away by the de-regulating wave of the 1980’s and 1990’s.
Admittedly, there are difficulties with all proposals to restrict the scope of “risky” banking, especially in the context of a global economy with free capital mobility.
As is frequently pointed out, unless banking regulations are identical across frontiers, there will be plenty of scope for “regulatory arbitrage.”
Likewise, the accidental release a day early of the minutes from the Fed’s March rate-setting meeting to more than 100 people, including banking executives, congressional aides, and bank lobbyists, raised questions about how the bank controls the disclosure of privileged information.
Moreover, Russia’s default and devaluation in 1998 undermined the progress that was accomplished – starting in 1996 – in the banking sector and the capital markets in general.
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