Banking
in sentence
2429 examples of Banking in a sentence
Or consider the claims – also rampant these days – that further government attempts to increase demand, whether through monetary policy to alleviate a liquidity squeeze,
banking
policy to increase risk tolerance, or fiscal policy to provide a much-needed savings vehicle, will similarly fail.
They will agree with the parrots that falling inflation showed that the macroeconomic problem was insufficient demand for currently produced goods and services, and that the low level of interest rates on safe, high-quality government liabilities showed that the supply of safe assets – whether money provided by the central bank, guarantees provided by
banking
policy, or government debt provided through deficit spending – was too low.
But many others view Sanusi as the no-nonsense official who cleaned up the
banking
sector and staved off a financial crisis by removing several corrupt bank executives from power.
The creation of a European
banking
union is another area in which misguided calls for solidarity prevail.
Legacy problems in national
banking
systems should be solved at the national level before the
banking
union moves forward.
The euro was in serious trouble, buffeted by rumors of imminent
banking
collapses.
At the same time, the European Central Bank unleashed its €1 trillion ($1.3 trillion) long-term refinancing operation, which pulled the European
banking
system back from the brink.
But the evidence emerging from successive rounds of QE in the UK and the US suggests that while it did lower bond yields, the extra money was largely retained within the
banking
system, and never reached the real economy.
Others recommend monitoring the leverage ratio, particularly the ratio of capital to assets in the
banking
system, on the grounds that banks are the weak link in the financial chain.
Indeed, the drafters of the ECB statute produced an astonishingly far-sighted approach to
banking
supervision.
The most energetic actor behind the early thinking on
banking
supervision was a BoE official, Brian Quinn.
When that phrase was inserted in the Treaty, it appeared as if the hurdles to effective European
banking
supervision could hardly be set higher.
Nevertheless, fiscal rules and common
banking
supervision are still regarded in many quarters as an illegitimate encroachment on member states’ sovereignty.
Moreover, as in Europe today, when Alexander Hamilton proposed a central
banking
system, the Bank of the United States, alongside consolidation of states’ Revolutionary War debt into federal debt, the implementation of his sensible plan was imperfect.
Central American leaders could implement limited
banking
reforms to offer incentives to emigrants to save remittances and invest in their home countries.
Barring improvements to the financial system, and to the
banking
sector in particular, the potential of the region’s vast human capital will not be realized.
But, to circumvent the restrictions in the state-dominated financial system, a shadow
banking
system has developed, raising new risks: economic distortions; reliance on excess leverage to drive growth in the consumer, real estate, corporate, and government sectors; and dangers associated with inadequate regulation.
In Italy, a 10% fall in the stock market following the Brexit vote clearly signals the country’s vulnerability to a full-blown
banking
crisis – which could well bring the populist Five Star Movement, which has just won the mayoralty in Rome, to power as early as next year.
None of this bodes well for a serious program of eurozone reform, which would have to include a genuine
banking
union, a limited fiscal union, and much stronger mechanisms of democratic accountability.
Moreover, the country benefits from strong public finances, prudent monetary policy, sustainable debt dynamics, a sound
banking
system, and well-functioning credit markets.
He proposed a model of joint-stock
banking
on a national scale, which ran into immediate opposition (curiously, his proposal was much more influential in Canada).
Until the financial reforms adopted since the crisis, this “shadow”
banking
system operated outside the regulatory regime that applied to traditional deposit-taking banks.
Indeed, shadow
banking
would not have grown so fast had that regime not been devised with the apparent lessons of the 1930’s in mind.
The dot-com bubble wasn't a threat to the
banking
system as such, but rather a threat to aggregate demand.
The idea that something that was good for confidence might lead to danger for the
banking
system was too strange to be believable.
In April, PBOC Deputy Governor Yi Gang tried to reassure nervous investors in a presentation in New York by saying that the level of non-performing loans (NPLs) in the Chinese
banking
sector had “pretty much stabilized after a long time of climbing.”
Other industries, including
banking
and retail trade, struggled with IT until they got it right.
A
banking
crisis that could have been resolved through a fair and decisive restructuring of unsustainable debts has ballooned into a much greater economic and political crisis that pits creditors against debtors, both within and among countries.
That is why we must complete the unfinished business of economic and monetary union – and why the European Commission has long argued for the creation of a
banking
union as an indispensable step toward that goal.
The crisis has starkly revealed the insufficiencies of existing
banking
supervision.
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