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Authoritarian in sentence

1062 examples of Authoritarian in a sentence

Western businessmen, artists, architects, and others who need large amounts of money for expensive projects enjoy working with authoritarian regimes that “get things done.”
His followers in Russia are unlikely to see, let alone be influenced by, an art film, and this sliver of Russian free expression might just persuade foreigners that there is still some liberalism left in Putin’s authoritarian democracy – at least until that, too, ends up as a shattered illusion.
Only an authoritarian communist regime could summon the level of mass conformity required in such a production.
Populists of the right and the left, some with authoritarian leanings, lead opinion polls in Brazil and Mexico ahead of presidential elections in both countries later this year.
So is the open approach taken by India and Brazil on issues such as governance of the Internet, at a time when Russia and China are seeking more authoritarian control.
After all, an authoritarian regime built around a charismatic leader requires more than middling public support if it is to avoid unrest and violence.
The signal being sent is clear: it is preferable that Israel, the only state in the region that abides by the rule of law, be surrounded by authoritarian regimes where political outcomes are predictable than by democratic states where Islamists may well rise to power.
I have met with dozens of Sudanese politicians and diplomats, and I know that the regime in Khartoum is authoritarian, self-interested, and ruthless.
Likewise, China’s relations with authoritarian regimes, or even its responsibility for preserving the global environment, are rarely mentioned.
Experience shows that democracies hold the edge over authoritarian regimes when it comes to handling the fallout from crises.
So far, Francis’s actions have not sparked the kind of confrontational response or mass mobilization this is often associated with regime change in authoritarian systems.
Donald Trump’s presidency, the Brexit vote in the United Kingdom, and the electoral rise of other populists in Europe have underscored the threat posed by “illiberal democracy” – a kind of authoritarian politics featuring popular elections but little respect for the rule of law or the rights of minorities.
Indeed, inaction in Iraq will not only postpone the inevitable reckoning with the past; it may prolong the past, as unfulfilled demands for justice fuel frustration, resentment, and support for extremist leaders and authoritarian solutions.
Still throughout his tenure, Ban has consistently displayed progressive instincts on issues, despite the fact that his candidacy was originally championed by an authoritarian Chinese government and a right-wing, UN-bashing American envoy to the organization, John Bolton.
Some forms of authoritarian government can leave a certain amount of room for economic and other freedoms, and thus might be easier to live with than illiberal democratic populism.
As a result, the consequences of a failure to hold elections, a violent crackdown, or a takeover by another authoritarian regime would surely be worse than taking a chance on democracy.
Even the Internet, the epitome of globalization for the past two decades, is at risk of being balkanized as more authoritarian countries – including China, Iran, Turkey, and Russia – seek to restrict access to social media and crack down on free expression.
As in the 1930’s, when the Great Depression gave rise to authoritarian governments in Italy, Germany, and Spain, a similar trend now may be underway.
Instead, nationalist and authoritarian regimes have been in power for most of the past quarter-century, pursuing state-capitalist growth models that ensure only mediocre economic performance.
The Arab Spring – triggered by slow growth, high youth unemployment, and widespread economic desperation – has given way to a long winter in Egypt and Libya, where the alternatives are a return to authoritarian strongmen and political chaos.
In the 1930’s, the failure to prevent the Great Depression empowered authoritarian regimes in Europe and Asia, eventually leading to World War II.
In international relations, power, not right, continued to be the only thing that mattered: the traditional concept of state sovereignty focused exclusively on power, i.e., on control over people and territory, and protected the state’s authority, regardless of whether its enforcement was civilized or brutal, democratic or authoritarian.
Democracies have proved to be much more peaceful than authoritarian regimes and dictatorships.
In particular, China’s breathtaking economic success seems to point to the existence of viable authoritarian alternatives to the Western idea that freedom, democracy, the rule of law, and the market economy are bound together.
Its proponents forget the experience of the first half of the twentieth century, when authoritarian modernization was tried in both Germany and Russia –with disastrous results.
Before too long, Russia’s “managed” (read: authoritarian) modernization will also have to allow for the rule of law and a functioning separation of powers, or the country will remain dependent on oil and gas prices and mired in a brutal struggle for power, influence, and money.
The redevelopment plan for the park triggered a huge protest against what a large segment of the Turkish public, particularly young people, considers paternalistic and authoritarian political leadership.
To varying degrees, local and national officials in these countries, and in Colombia, Chile, Costa Rica, Peru, and Uruguay are collectively rewriting the authoritarian playbook.
For hundreds of millions of citizens in Communist-run countries in the twentieth century, the “me” in the question was a dictator or oligarchy ruling with totalitarian or authoritarian powers.
As we saw in Yugoslavia and are now seeing in the Arab Spring revolts, a multiethnic or multi-religious society and an authoritarian regime can be a recipe for state implosion.
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