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Asset in sentence

1608 examples of Asset in a sentence

What central banks cannot achieve with traditional tools can now be accomplished through the circuitous channels of wealth effects in asset markets or with the competitive edge gained from currency depreciation.
But this was all but disallowed in the post-crisis era by US government bailouts and the Fed’s manipulation of asset prices.
As the baton of excessive liquidity injections is passed from one central bank to another, the dangers of global asset bubbles and competitive currency devaluations intensify.
On the contrary, it promises more asset bubbles, financial crises, and Japanese-style secular stagnation.
And, with our banking reforms, we are strengthening our reputation as the home of global finance – from insurance to asset management, and from the new offshore renminbi markets to issuance of the first sovereign sukuk, or Islamic bond, in a non-Islamic country.
With such a paradigm, central banks could move away from negative interest rates and large-scale asset purchases.
Thanks to the trillions of dollars of liquidity that major central banks have pumped in to the global economy over the past decade, asset markets have rebounded, company mergers have gone into overdrive, and stock buybacks have become a benchmark of managerial acumen.
Moreover, the negative consequences of tightening monetary conditions in developed countries will likely become more severe, given the disconnect between asset bubbles and recoveries in the real economy.
Given anemic GDP growth, high unemployment, and low inflation, the wall of liquidity generated by conventional and unconventional monetary easing is driving up asset prices, starting with home prices.
Lack of detailed information makes it difficult to document the state’s full asset portfolio, let alone set up a workable and transparent system of oversight.
Its new Global Infrastructure Facility (GIF) will mobilize global pension and sovereign wealth funds to invest in infrastructure as a specific asset class.
Moreover, their macroeconomic fundamentals are sound, and they have used macro- and micro-prudential tools to contain surges in capital inflows and minimize their destabilizing effects on asset prices and credit conditions.
To this end, China has been campaigning for years to have the renminbi added to the basket of currencies that determines the value of the Special Drawing Right (SDR), the International Monetary Fund’s synthetic reserve asset.
If the renminbi were added to this group of the world’s leading currencies, it would gain considerable prestige, and central banks would undoubtedly increase their use of the currency as a reserve asset.
The alternative would be to embark on a sustained program of privatization to shrink the asset side of the state’s huge balance sheet.
Given this, the logical solution is not to dispose of the state’s asset holdings, but to diversify them over time.
Furthermore, the diversification of China’s asset holdings would deepen its financial markets considerably.
With public entities like the social security system and sovereign-wealth funds holding more diversified asset portfolios, incentives would be substantially reduced for market intervention favoring incumbents in which the state owned a large share.
Indeed, public-sector asset management could be “outsourced,” with private asset managers competing for the job.
China does not have to give up the safety net provided by large asset holdings to allow markets to play a decisive microeconomic role.
As a result, banks have even stronger incentives to resume heavy borrowing (as Admati argues), and, as rising asset prices lift the economy in the recovery phase, it becomes possible for them to borrow even more (as Bernanke knows).
But that proved too complex, because valuing each asset raised different and unique problems.
For the Chinese, the future of the international monetary system should be one in which multiple national currencies provide choice – in terms of invoicing, payments, and asset allocation – thereby reducing the system’s exposure to national politics.
This was highlighted by the surge in many countries’ housing prices in the run-up to the 2008 financial crisis, the steep decline in asset and commodity prices immediately after Lehman Brothers collapsed, the return to asset-price inflation since then, and recent large currency fluctuations.
Such targets could potentially be applied to credit, interest rates, exchange rates, asset and commodity prices, risk premiums, and/or intermediate-goods prices.
All eyes are now on the European Central Bank’s asset quality review, due to be completed in the next couple of months.
And the start of a banking union also helps; following the latest stress tests and asset quality review, banks have greater liquidity and more capital to lend to the private sector.
And that can be a very valuable asset for an incumbent Fed chair – one that no other candidate could match.
But the past emphasis on centrally managed security sectors has made them a crucial asset in political contests, enabling them to escape oversight and benefit from de facto legal impunity.
According to the Asset Owners Disclosure Project, which I chair, the top 500 global asset owners are alarmingly exposed to the dangers of climate change.
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