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Arrangements in sentence

1019 examples of Arrangements in a sentence

Her government has created a department of international trade, which will be responsible for drawing up trade arrangements with the EU and the rest of the world (the European Commission had previously handled such arrangements).
May has voiced distaste for “off-the-shelf arrangements,” but something like Norway’s arrangement with the European Economic Area (EEA), with a few bespoke differences, seems likely to be Britain’s best option – access to the single market, but no participation in political and judicial institutions.
Otherwise, under WTO arrangements (favored by Fox), it would face European tariffs and lose investment.
Because the poor have so little money to spend, drug companies, under current arrangements, have little incentive to do research on the diseases that afflict them.
Less noticed, but possibly more important in the long term, have been Japan’s efforts to reshape regional security arrangements, which for many years have had three key elements.
Poor countries are where these arrangements are absent or ill-formed.
But the initial spurt in growth can be achieved with minimal changes in institutional arrangements.
Yet, as Hambantota shows, China is now establishing its own Hong Kong-style neocolonial arrangements.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel flew to Ankara on February 9 to make last-minute arrangements with the Turkish government to induce the refugees already in Turkey to prolong their stay there.
Ukraine, Greece, and Argentina are all examples of the failure of existing international arrangements.
The World Bank has received a modest increase in resources, but it has yet to build capacity to lend rapidly and globally beyond existing borrowers and loan arrangements, and its income trajectory is diminishing.
Indeed, at the Cannes G-20 Summit in November 2011, leaders agreed on principles for cooperation between the IMF and regional financing arrangements, including open information-sharing and joint missions.
Employment conditions improved as state-mandated or negotiated arrangements led to reduced working hours, greater safety, and family, health, and other benefits.
But deploying such radical policies would mean rejecting the theories that have dominated economics since the 1980s, together with the institutional arrangements based upon them, such as Europe’s Maastricht Treaty.
Europeans and Americans have learned – and China, Russia, and others have learned from Western experience – that external powers cannot successfully engineer political arrangements or regional order in the Middle East.
Moreover, social contracts based on formal long-term employer-employee relationships will need to be overhauled, with benefits such as retirement and health care made more portable and adapted to evolving work arrangements, including the expanding “gig” economy.
Meanwhile, by virtue of more than 30 swap arrangements with other central banks (the first was with South Korea in December 2008), China is using its foreign-exchange reserves to help its neighbors and others defend themselves against volatile international capital flows.
Another example of this bullying approach concerned the arrangements for the handover itself.
Despite having largely respected the agreement during the first few years after the handover – though it rather quickly started dismantling the arrangements for ensuring democratic accountability – China’s grip on Hong Kong has tightened considerably.
All of this would cost money, but, under the existing arrangements agreed by the eurozone’s national leaders, no more money is to be found.
But financial markets might not offer the respite necessary to put the new arrangements in place.
Exactly how trade and capital flows would be affected depends on the exit arrangements negotiated between the EU and the UK.
A proposal now stands to extend ex ante coordination to major economic reforms and to introduce some form of binding contractual arrangements between EU institutions and member states, which would ensure that the reforms Europe needs can be delivered.
The region’s new geopolitical realities demand new political arrangements.
Dani Rodrik’s 2011 book The Globalization Paradox criticizes globalization enthusiasts for wanting full liberalization of foreign trade and capital movements; he argues that when democratically established social arrangements clash with the demands of globalization, national priorities should take precedence.
In fact, the United Nations Charter explicitly authorizes “the existence of regional arrangements or agencies for dealing with such matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security as are appropriate for regional action.”
Europe’s relationship with Russia is too important for it to be developed in an ad hoc fashion through bilateral arrangements.
But addressing these issues would require the assembled leaders to rise above them and consider the soundness of global economic arrangements overall.
International economic arrangements must establish rules for managing interaction among national institutions.
We can no longer presume that its institutional arrangements reflect its citizens’ preferences.
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