Analysis
in sentence
1393 examples of Analysis in a sentence
As your alertness declines, your analytic ability declines - and you rely less on analysis, more on common sense.
First, the ECB’s
analysis
of the economic challenges facing the eurozone should be very transparent.
But we cannot afford to wait for that
analysis
before taking action.
Schattschneider’s
analysis
of the process was influential in transferring responsibility for trade measures from the US Congress to the President.
Informed voters need reporting grounded in facts and
analysis.
When the American public is provided with careful
analysis
of issues related to gun violence and climate change, for example, we can be confident that it will also be getting reasonable economic
analysis.
Originally funded by yet another billionaire, George Soros, Project Syndicate operates independently to provide hard-to-monetize informed opinion and
analysis
with nary an “advertorial” or product review in sight.
If Iraq's prospects are as dismal as my
analysis
suggests, any international contribution to the US-driven reconstruction effort is likely to be little more than money flushed down the drain.
One key question raised by the report – and, indeed, by virtually any
analysis
of China’s development experience since 1978 – concerns the relative roles of the state and the market.
But for every book like this there are ten others with a serious
analysis
of America's race question.
Policy
analysis
and debates about race relations lag terribly behind in Europe.
Yet many policymakers in the United States and around the world still don’t seem able to grasp that examining the behavior of women and men alike can improve their
analysis
and their proposed measures.
Clive Crook, for example, argues that “the limits of the data [Piketty] presents and the grandiosity of the conclusions he draws...borders on schizophrenia,” rendering conclusions that are “either unsupported or contradicted by [his] own data and analysis.”
In a penetrating
analysis
of the “Flash Crash” of May 6, 2010, when the Dow lost $1 trillion of market value in 30 minutes, Andy Haldane of the Bank of England argues that while rising equity-market capitalization might well be associated with financial development and economic growth, there is no such relationship between market turnover and growth.
The challenges faced by a major power like the US require rigorous
analysis
of information according to the best scientific principles.
If little more is achieved than phasing out farm export subsidies and a modest reduction in agricultural domestic support, our
analysis
shows that developing countries as a group would gain nothing, while high-income countries would gain just US$18 billion per year by 2015.
Polls of climate researchers, as well as
analysis
of thousands of scientific publications, consistently show a 97-98% consensus that human-caused emissions are causing global warming.
Developing countries must also build capacity for policy
analysis
and ethics.
The Copenhagen Consensus, a research organization that I head, asked 82 eminent economists from around the world to carry out a cost-benefit
analysis
of the proposed targets, in order to establish which are likely to do the most good for people, the planet, and global prosperity over the next 15 years.
Our
analysis
identified 19 targets that would do the most good for every dollar spent.
But there is a study much more useful than Gibbon’s
analysis
of Rome for understanding what happened to France’s team: Marc Bloch’s masterful examination of France’s collapse in 1940, A Strange Defeat.
Those who recommend a unilateral American foreign policy based on such traditional descriptions of American power are relying on a woefully inadequate
analysis.
All modern
analysis
of economic internationalization shows that foreign trade is a powerful selection mechanism.
Of course, there is scope for technical
analysis
even when political choices are at the crux of the decision.
But that doesn’t mean that issues involving the preservation of life (or a way of life), like defense, should not be subjected to cool, hard economic
analysis.
Our
analysis
starts with the $500 billion that the Congressional Budget Office openly talks about, which is still ten times higher than what the administration said the war would cost.
The Iraq war was an immense “project,” yet it now appears that the
analysis
of its benefits was greatly flawed and that of its costs virtually absent.
But our emotions are the algorithms, bequeathed by evolution, by which we make most decisions, including political ones; economic cost-benefit
analysis
that does not connect to our emotional compass does not move the needle.
In fact, Harvard University political scientist Yascha Mounk’s
analysis
of World Values Survey data shows that, in many Western countries, public confidence in democracy has been declining for quite some time.
In economists’ parlance, it is the difference between general-equilibrium and partial-equilibrium
analysis.
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