Allies
in sentence
2085 examples of Allies in a sentence
The former underscore his administration’s commitment to meeting its obligations under the NPT, while the latter reassure the US Congress and
allies
skeptical of bold new approaches.
The NPR affirms the policy of extended nuclear deterrence, under which the US retains the option to employ nuclear weapons to defend its
allies.
But proponents of such US guarantees believe that they discourage aggression and contribute to nuclear non-proliferation by reducing the incentive of US
allies
to seek their own nuclear deterrents.
American liberals and conservatives, as well as US friends and allies, all favor the principle of enhancing the security of dangerous nuclear materials and reducing the risk of nuclear terrorism, which could plausibly threaten anyone.
Speaking clearly will enable us to promote our interests more successfully by developing partnerships not only with traditional allies, like the US, but also with new leaders, like China and Brazil, and strategic players, like Turkey and Russia – and with the increasingly important regional blocs that are forming around them.
It could pick a fight with Japan or any other Western
allies
in the Asia-Pacific region.
The PAD spent much of last year demonstrating against the two successive Thaksin-nominated governments that arose from the December 2007 election, reinvigorating Thai Rak Thai’s anti-PAD red-shirted allies, the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD).
Assad’s government has been importing
allies
– Lebanon’s Hezbollah, Iran, Russia, and even Turkey (in some respects) – to fight on its behalf for years.
When Trump takes office, he will have to move quickly to reassure America’s friends and
allies
around the world.
Trump plainly prefers dictators to democrats, and lacks any respect for his
allies.
Rather than collaborating with Europe and Japan and strengthening the World Trade Organization to counter China’s mercantilism, he has decided to go it alone, attacking even his closest
allies
in what threatens to escalate into a full-blown trade war that will hurt everyone, not least American industry and consumers.
Since early 2011, hundreds of thousands have died; around ten million Syrians have been displaced;Europe has been convulsed with Islamic State (ISIS) terror and the political fallout of refugees; and the United States and its NATO
allies
have more than once come perilously close to direct confrontation with Russia.
America’s
allies
in the anti-Assad effort include Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Qatar, and other countries in the region.
American
allies
have spent billions of dollars more.
For the first time, Hamas proved capable of causing disruptions as far away as Tel Aviv, while Israel was forced to defend its behavior and reputation even with its traditional allies, including the United States.
Some charge the Obama administration itself with sending mixed signals or worse: The US, they note, has modernized its own nuclear arsenal, developed new ballistic-missile defense and conventional weapons systems, and been too willing to accommodate its European and Northeast Asian allies’ nervousness about limiting the nuclear dimension of the extended deterrence umbrella under which they shelter.
Drones and
allies
– non-human weapons and non-American soldiers – have become central to America’s military doctrine.
But, even before September 2001, some US conservatives had expressed disdain toward their European
allies.
Likewise, delegating security to
allies
can have perverse psychological effects.
But it is clearly not beneficial to the US, its allies, or global stability.
Nothing foreordained that the US and its
allies
would prevail.
With widespread ownership of mobile phones and Internet-connected computers, it is far easier than ever before to organize supporters and
allies.
But that alienation already largely ended earlier this year, when the Bush administration realized that
allies
are good to have and that Germany is an important one.
President Barack Obama’s speech about reforms of US intelligence-gathering activities, as well as his subsequent interview on German television, represented a first attempt to regain the confidence of America’s
allies.
In 1963, when Ewald von Kleist invited participants to Munich for the first conference, which Americans fondly call the “Wehrkunde” to this day, the motivating idea was to invite our most important
allies
to a discussion about the major strategic issues directly affecting Germany and NATO.
In the past, the Western allies’ participation in NATO and its Nuclear Planning Group accommodated their concerns and prevented them from becoming mere objects of US strategy.
We enjoy the explicit and enthusiastic support of our
allies
and other friendly countries, including every ASEAN member country and the United States, Australia, India, the United Kingdom, and France, among others.
As Britain has just discovered in the EU budget debate, it can make powerful
allies.
Britain’s EU membership affects how it is seen by the world in general and its
allies
in particular.
Key members of Congress hadn’t been informed, much less consulted; nor had America’s allies, some of whose troops have been dependent on the presence of the US military.
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