Allies
in sentence
2085 examples of Allies in a sentence
The new Honduran and Chilean presidents are not allies, unlike their predecessors.
Allies
of convenience during the second half of the Cold War, the US and China emerged from it as partners tied by interdependence.
For the US, China’s growing power actually helps to validate its forward military deployments in Asia, maintain existing
allies
in the region, and win new strategic partners.
Despite America’s “pivot” to Asia, it intends to stick to its two-pronged approach: seek to maintain a balance of power with the help of strategic
allies
and partners, while continuing to accommodate a rising China.
But when he declared that the film would “hurt the whole community,” what he really meant was that it would hurt the BJP and its
allies.
But while a majority of Iran’s population and a sizable chunk of its political elite recognize that the “death to America” culture created in 1979 is obsolete, small but powerful cliques – both within Iran and among the country’s Arab
allies
– have entrenched economic and political interests in preventing a rapprochement with the US.
Among Arab
allies
such as Hezbollah and Hamas, the prospect of US-Iranian diplomatic accommodation – in which the US changes its approach toward Iran, and Iran changes its approach toward Israel – could mean an end to their chief ideological patron and primary source of funding.
Most obvious, propping up the Assad regime enables Russia to maintain a foothold in the Middle East, while sending the message that popular revolts aimed at overthrowing Russian
allies
will not succeed.
So, rather than admit to casualties numbering in the hundreds, the Kremlin needs to underscore Russia’s importance in Syria, its position as a victor over ISIS, and its ability to defend its
allies.
BUENOS AIRES – Today’s global currency war resembles real war in two important respects: a face-off over the structural imbalances between two large opponents – China and the United States – has forced uncomfortable smaller
allies
to take one side or the other, and third parties that may not be directly engaged are suffering collateral damage from both sides of the dispute.
And what looks like a defensive imperative to the US and its Asian
allies
– building further military capacity in the region to manage China’s rise – could be perceived by China as an aggressive attempt to contain it.
Even two of America’s most important
allies
– Japan and South Korea – find themselves in a bitter dispute about the Korean “comfort women” forced to work in Japanese military brothels before and during World War II, despite an official apology from Japan 20 years ago.
Third, many US
allies
in Asia (and elsewhere) are wondering whether America’s recent strategic “pivot” to Asia is credible.
China is now testing the credibility of US guarantees, raising the prospect that America’s friends and
allies
– starting with Japan – may have to take more of their security needs into their own hands.
How can the US credibly pivot to Asia in a way that does not fuel Chinese perceptions of attempted containment or US allies’ perceptions of appeasement of China?
In 1952, Turkey joined NATO and became one of the West’s indispensable
allies.
In doing so, he sent his Western
allies
– which have criticized the arrests of thousands of perceived opponents, including many journalists, following last month’s failed military coup – a powerful message: “I don’t need you.”
The Kremlin has been rumored to expedite passport applications for Crimean residents, and its
allies
– for example, Aleksei Chalyi, Sevastopol’s new mayor – populate its political offices.
In its first decades, communist China built its military strength and simultaneously used the soft power of Maoist revolutionary doctrine and Third World solidarity to cultivate
allies
abroad.
If the tariffs really are about national security, they must be placed on imports mainly from close
allies
like Canada, Mexico, Japan, and the EU.
So if the US were to impose steel tariffs only on some countries, those countries’ steel exporters could send their products to US allies, which could then increase their exports to the US.
This means that, if the US exempts its
allies
from tariffs, it would also need some reassurance that those allies’ exports to the US will not skyrocket.
And, indeed, the US is now asking its allies, including the EU, to limit their steel exports to the US.
The Trump administration is amenable to this outcome, because it finds it inconvenient to put a tariff on imports from its
allies.
From the US perspective, the
allies
should simply tax their exports and keep the revenues.
America’s
allies
had already known, of course, that Trump could be erratic and extreme, but they had expected his administration’s more seasoned members to keep him in check.
And, most notably, at last month’s G7 summit in Quebec, he showed unprecedented hostility toward America’s closest allies, launching personal attacks against Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and backing out of the final communiqué in response to a perceived slight.
The nightmare scenario is easy to imagine: Trump lays bare NATO’s fractures, including by questioning mutual defense, before selling his
allies
down the river by publicly embracing Putin.
Whereas Article 5 has become a source of leverage for Trump to use to pressure his
allies
to spend more, while impressing his domestic supporters, Articles 2 and 3 are practical and direct.
In a recent interview, Obama described the Saudis (as well as other US allies) as “free riders” on American foreign policy.
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