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Aggregate in sentence

821 examples of Aggregate in a sentence

One possible explanation for the mysterious combination of stronger growth and low inflation is that, in addition to stronger aggregate demand, developed economies have been experiencing positive supply shocks.
Indeed, while aggregate per capita income in the eurozone remains at 2007 levels, Greece has been pushed back to 2000 levels, and Italy today finds itself somewhere in 1997.
The collateral damage would include a fall in commodity prices, reduced aggregate demand, lower capital inflows, and fiscal retrenchment.
A global economy that is levering up, while unable to generate enough aggregate demand to achieve potential growth, is on a risky path.
If, however, it is financing “current operations” and raising short-term aggregate demand, it is highly risky.
Yet, in an environment of low long-term interest rates and deficient short-term aggregate demand (which means there is little risk of crowding out the private sector), it is a mistake not to relax fiscal constraints for investment.
But, rather than recognize the likely drivers of these developments – namely, a seemingly chronic shortfall of global aggregate demand amid a supply glut and a deflationary profusion of technological innovations and new supply chains – the Fed continues to minimize the deflationary impact of global forces.
He meant the authors of truly seminal ideas, like his own notion that from time to time capitalism must be saved by state intervention to manage aggregate demand.
Yet focusing on supply without paying equal attention to the foundations of aggregate demand is a puzzling and potentially worrisome disconnect.
The tradable sector is expanding and is not dependent on leverage to generate aggregate demand.
One can think of the US economy as an 8-cylinder engine running on five, owing to residual deleveraging, fiscal consolidation and drag, public-sector investment shortfalls, and questions about the financial health and security of middle-income households (the backbone of domestic aggregate demand).
I advocate this for the old-fashioned Keynesian reason that we are suffering from a deficiency of aggregate demand, that the multiplier is positive, and that the most effective way to reduce the private and public debts a year or two down the line is by taking steps to boost growth in national income now.
Redistributive measures go quite well with stimulus policies, because they may be expected to increase aggregate demand in the short term (owing to lower-income households’ higher propensity to consume) and minimize the economy’s dependence on debt financing in the long term.
The two-thirds decline in aggregate imports from 1929 to 1933 was only partly a result of falling incomes, and hence import demand; retaliatory trade and exchange-rate policies also played a major role in bringing about the global trade collapse.
While aggregate output fell in 2009, it recovered extremely fast.
Until mid-2013, the IMF and the World Bank had projected aggregate per capita GDP growth rates for the emerging and developing countries (EMDEVs) to be almost three percentage points higher than in the world’s advanced countries over the next few years.
Is the world reverting to a growth pattern whereby the percentage gap between income levels in the aggregate “North” and “South” does not decrease?
What is likely is a return to the pre-crisis differential: from 1990 to 2008 (excluding the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis), aggregate per capita growth in the emerging world was about 2.5 percentage points higher than that in the advanced countries.
Their efforts will remain the basis for aggregate convergence.
Indeed, the flip side of “a world awash with liquidity” is a world facing depressed aggregate demand.
The first key factor is deleveraging and the resulting shortfall in aggregate demand.
With the increase in the aggregate stock of money balances, things are basically the same.
An increasing concentration of income at the top, combined with top earners’ high propensity to save, then leads to the chronic shortfall of aggregate demand that characterizes secular stagnation.
Which of these factors prevails depends on the state of aggregate demand and the “animal spirits” of employers.
And fiscal policies were also necessary to support aggregate demand.
So, like it or not, central banks became and still are the only game in town when it comes to supporting aggregate demand, lifting employment, and preventing deflation.
Sudden fiscal contraction would reduce domestic aggregate demand faster than the economy’s deleveraging and structural shifts could replace it, thereby killing off growth and hiring, with adverse feedback effects on budget deficits.
It is no coincidence that the only European countries with fast productivity growth in the second half of the 1990's were Ireland, Finland, and Sweden, where IT production accounts for a large share of aggregate output and employment.
But, in net terms, a region within a country – or, like Germany, a country or sub-region within a monetary union – still “subtracts” from national and global aggregate demand if it exports more than it imports.
For this reason, it is relevant to ask whether a country as large as Germany – or even a large state like California or Texas – augments or depletes global aggregate demand.
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