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Aggregate in sentence

821 examples of Aggregate in a sentence

But their resilience has always been a function of their ability to generate enough incremental aggregate demand to support their growth, without having to make up for a large loss of demand in developed countries.
The aggregate growth rate does not capture this inclusiveness, and thus understates the pace of economic and social progress.
Our analysis focused on the CEO “pay slice” – that is, the CEO’s share of the aggregate compensation such firms award to their top five executives.
Previously, emphasis had been placed on boosting aggregate demand – primarily by lowering the cost of borrowing, but also by spurring wealth effects from appreciating financial assets.
All of this speaks to the impotence of central banks to jump-start aggregate demand in balance-sheet-constrained economies that have fallen into 1930s-style “liquidity traps.”
In all of these cases, balance-sheet repair preempted a resurgence of aggregate demand, and monetary stimulus was largely ineffective in sparking classic cyclical rebounds.
Quickly out of ammunition when the Great Crisis hit in late 2008, former Fed Chair Ben Bernanke embraced the new miracle drug of quantitative easing – a powerful antidote for markets in distress but ultimately an ineffective tool to plug the hole in consumer balance sheets and spark meaningful revival in aggregate demand.
Given persistent sluggish aggregate demand worldwide, a new set of risks is introduced by penalizing banks for not making new loans.
Deficit spending in a recession, he said, “help[s] maintain the aggregate demand for goods and services.
Aside from waning procyclicality, macroprudential policies and capital controls appear to help restrain the intensity of aggregate credit booms and asset bubbles, with policies in place during the boom enhancing economic resilience during the bust.
Quite apart from the political difficulty of achieving this would be the very serious adverse effect on aggregate domestic demand, and therefore on production and employment.
As in previous years, the fundamental problem haunting the global economy in 2013 remained a lack of global aggregate demand.
Without massive immigration, workforces will shrink dramatically, dragging down aggregate output and thus the amount of money available for social transfers.
This would also allow for greater fiscal stimulus at a time when other components of aggregate demand are slowing.
According to the IMF, growth in the advanced economies’ real potential GDP – think of this as the underlying trend for aggregate supply – has fallen by half this century, from 2.71% in 2001 to as low as 1.28% just a few years ago.
Since then the broad consensus in the US has been that cyclical economic distress requires the use of budget deficits to ameliorate suffering, stimulate aggregate demand, and hasten recovery.
But Draghi now recognizes that the eurozone’s slow, uneven, and anemic recovery reflects not only structural problems, but also cyclical factors that depend more on aggregate demand than on aggregate supply constraints.
These changes in asset prices – together with measures that increase private-sector credit growth – can boost aggregate demand and increase inflation expectations.
And per capita GDP must surely be preferable to aggregate GDP.
In 1997, Labour’s first year in power, aggregate UK debt stood at around 250% of GDP.
Among advanced economies, only Germany, Norway, and the US achieved smaller increases in aggregate public and private debt/GDP ratios from 2007 to 2014.
In the United States, air-quality improvements have yielded $30 for every dollar invested, for an aggregate return of $1.5 trillion on a $65 billion investment since 1970.
High-tech services demand specialized skills and create few jobs, so their contribution to aggregate employment is bound to remain limited.
This is a cause for growing concern, and rightly so: inequality not only can undermine an economy’s long-term growth prospects; it can restrain growth in the short term by depressing aggregate demand.
In the euro’s first decade, the southern economies’ unit labor costs diverged from those in Germany and the north, with growth sustained either by excess public debt and the government component of domestic aggregate demand, or, in the case of Spain, by a leveraged housing bubble.
A carefully paced program could add enough to aggregate demand to pick up the slack in the economy, and reverse deflation, setting into motion a virtuous cycle.
The resulting boost to aggregate demand would then buttress the case for the Federal Reserve to raise short-term interest rates faster than it had been planning to do.
Another strategy that might help sustain aggregate demand would be to phase in the VAT increase at an annual rate of 1% for three or four years.
In the United Kingdom, the Office for National Statistics reports that in the period from 2012 to 2014, the wealthiest 10% of households owned 45% of total aggregate household wealth.
Moreover, it would boost aggregate demand in a world economy that badly needs it.
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