Administration
in sentence
4645 examples of Administration in a sentence
But some would argue that beneath the chaos and bluster, there is an economic rationale to the Trump administration’s disorderly retreat from globalization.
If the Trump
administration
thinks it can reset the clock by starting a trade war with China, it is as likely to accelerate China’s economic and military development as it is to slow it down.
So far, the Trump
administration
has only sparred with China, concentrating its early anti-trade rhetoric on Mexico.
If the Trump
administration
tries such crude tactics with China, it will be in for a rude surprise.
In fact, the Obama
administration
has refused to treat Malaysia like a normal country and engage leaders from all sides – a stance that has emboldened Najib to move against Anwar, whose coalition received a higher proportion of the popular vote in the May 2013 election than Obama did in the 2012 US election.
True, both the US
administration
and China’s leadership have made some sensible proposals for change.
But by the time its government was replaced in 2002, by the current Socialist-led administration, Fidesz’s record was rather pro-European.
And the Trump administration, like administrations before it, views North Korea’s pursuit of intercontinental missiles capable of reaching San Francisco or Los Angeles as a justification for war.
A series of recent visits to the region by senior American officials suggests that the new
administration
is treating the situation on the Korean Peninsula as a serious threat.
For example, the Trump
administration
would do well not to pursue an overly aggressive policy toward China in the South China Sea, in light of the burgeoning crisis on the Korean Peninsula.
Surely not the ragtag groups fighting Assad’s regime, even if the United States now supplies some of them with arms, as President Barack Obama’s
administration
recently announced.
Responsibility for this lays largely with the Bush
administration
which, by terminating the ABM Treaty, not only weakened the international control systems for nuclear weapons, but also sat on its hands when confronted with the NPT’s imminent collapse.
This means that if the Trump
administration
imposes tariffs, it will turn the US into a high-cost island for industrial inputs.
By pursuing such policies, the Trump
administration
would stand a much better chance of making America “great again” for the working and middle classes.
President Barack Obama rejected many of the policies of the George W. Bush
administration
that were seen as trying to force democracy on Arab countries.
He left behind a passionate letter outlining his mistreatment at the hands of an insensitive and bureaucratic university
administration.
Most member states’ economies are doing well, and French President Emmanuel Macron’s
administration
is breathing new life into the European idea.
Although the Trump
administration
has continued to send mixed signals about its willingness to uphold American commitments, the US has nonetheless delivered on former President Barack Obama’s pledge to strengthen NATO’s military posture in the Baltics and Poland.
Moreover, it is worrying that the Trump
administration
hardly ever talks about upholding the post-war liberal international order.
But, for that to happen, the Trump
administration
needs to demonstrate clearly that its goal is not regime change, but policy change – that is, denuclearization – in North Korea.
And I argued that a strong labor market and rising business profits would be among Abenomics’ enduring legacies, even if Abe’s
administration
faced political challenges.
This is particularly true with regard to President Donald Trump, who has repeatedly attacked the media – often wrongly, to be sure – for its coverage of his
administration.
After discouraging all US allies from joining the AIIB, President Barack Obama’s
administration
watched as Great Britain led a raft of Western European countries, followed by Australia and South Korea, into doing just that.
Worse, the Obama
administration
found itself in the position of trying to block Chinese efforts to create a regional financial institution after the US itself was unable to deliver on promises to give China and other major emerging economies a greater say in the governance of the International Monetary Fund.
The
administration
had pushed European countries to accept less representation on the IMF Board and increase China’s voting share from 3.65% to 6.07%, only to prove unable to win the support of the US Congress.
But, even as he uttered those words, his
administration
was working behind the scenes to subvert the will of Pakistan’s people by trying to dictate the composition of their next coalition government and prop up the election’s biggest loser, President Pervez Musharraf.
This is unpalatable to the Bush administration, which has helped keep Musharraf in power, despite the fact that 75% of Pakistanis want him to resign.
The Bush
administration
finds the PML-N’s nationalism and antagonism to Musharraf particularly troublesome.
The Bush administration, however, has become used to dealing with one man and is increasingly impatient.
As a result, the Bush
administration
is aggressively interfering in coalition talks between Pakistan’s political parties.
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