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Administration in sentence

4645 examples of Administration in a sentence

I would have liked to see his administration use its leverage to replace the management responsible for creating the financial mess in the first place.
Depending on how this power is used (or abused), it can be beneficial (exercising needed oversight and increasing the transparency of policy and policy-making) or destructive (if, for example, hearings degenerate into politically motivated attacks on administration officials and policies).
There is a fair chance that one or more of these bilateral accords will be approved (in part because the Obama administration seems finally to have recognized that trade can generate good jobs), but it is far less certain that the president will gain the authority needed to negotiate a new global trade deal.
Both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump oppose the biggest trade initiative launched by President Barack Obama’s administration – the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) with 11 other Pacific Rim countries – and both would revisit the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which has been in force since 1994.
Italy remains under an interim administration, but there, too, voters appear to have turned their backs on a rococo ruler.
Domestically, he’s trapped between the promises he has made (such as the “Mnuchin rule” that taxes wouldn’t be cut for the rich), the actions of President Donald Trump (whose tax plan includes cuts for the rich), and simple arithmetic (which makes the administration’s conflicting pledges impossible to fulfill).
After all, the Trump administration has made it clear that it does not intend to fulfill the global leadership commitments that Mnuchin’s predecessors have overseen.
Trump’s entire administration is surely expected to adhere to his “America first” approach.
But China is not the only supposed currency manipulator on the Trump administration’s radar.
Many other factors, of course, influence growth and convergence: macroeconomic stability, the efficiency and robustness of the financial sector, the terms of trade, the quality of public administration, demographic factors, and political factors.
This implies that US consumers will bear the costs of the Trump administration’s tariffs on Chinese imports.
With the Obama administration embracing realism as its diplomatic lodestar, China may have found a willing interlocutor.
The Obama administration had been pressing Abe not to aggravate regional tensions by visiting Yasukuni – an entreaty reiterated by Vice President Joe Biden during a recent stopover in Tokyo on his way to Beijing.
The Obama administration’s contradictory rhetoric – affirming that the US-Japan security treaty covers the Senkakus, while refusing to take a position on the islands’ sovereignty – has not helped.
The Obama administration’s Asian balancing act obfuscates the broader test of power that China’s recent actions represent.
Zenawi has largely escaped sanction from his Western allies, in part because the erudite ex-Marxist had a friendly relationship with former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and cooperated closely with the Bush administration in counter-terrorism efforts in the Horn of Africa.
This followed the Egyptian government’s praise for the Trump administration in February 2017, when the country’s foreign ministry criticized Western journalists for their coverage of global terrorism.
The Bush administration now seems to realize this.
First and foremost is the Trump administration’s trade war with China.
The UN’s reputation suffered in the US because it did not support the Bush administration on the war – and in the 19 other countries because it was unable to prevent the war.
In 2015, OECD countries spent an average of 3.2% of their total health-care expenditures on administration and bureaucracy; in the US, it was a staggering 8.3%.
In fact, many countries allocate more to administration than disease prevention and wellness initiatives.
Consider an editorial written in March by the Washington Post’s editorial director, Fred Hiatt, in which he makes a very small and limited apology for the newspaper’s coverage and evaluation of the Bush administration.
According to Hiatt, “We raised such issues” as whether the Bush administration had properly thought its proposed adventure in Iraq through, “but with insufficient force.”
So, where Hiatt sees a press corps that was a little too cowardly about overseeing the Bush administration, Frankel sees a press corps where a sloppy and confusing process is nevertheless doing a reasonable job.
It was the summer of 2000 when I began asking Republicans I know – generally people who might be natural candidates for various sub-cabinet policy positions in a Republican administration – how worried they were that the Republican presidential candidate, George W. Bush, was clearly not up to the job.
A strange picture of Bush emerged from conversations with sub-cabinet administration appointees, their friends, and their friends of friends.
So, by the summer of 2001, a pattern was set that would lead British observer Daniel Davies to ask if there was a Bush administration policy on anything of even moderate importance that had not been completely bollixed up.
Today, it is an accepted fact that the kindest thing you can say about the Bush administration is that it is completely incompetent, which is the line now taken by hard-line Bush supporters like the National Review and the commentator Robert Novak.
Why didn’t the American press corps cover the Bush administration properly for its first five years?
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