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Accords in sentence

82 examples of Accords in a sentence

And social media platforms supercharge that tendency, by allowing us to instantly and widely share information that accords with our viewpoints.
The maritime Silk Road is not just a trade initiative; it will also provide several access points for China’s navy in the Indian Ocean region, through accords for refueling, replenishment, crew rest, and maintenance.
Against this backdrop, it is not surprising that Abe left the recent “onsen summit” with dashed hopes of resolving the territorial dispute, while Putin returned home with 68 new commercial accords.
I was visiting Israel as Australia’s foreign minister to argue the case for rapid implementation of the Oslo peace accords – all the way through to negotiated acceptance of Palestinian statehood.
The accords represented an effort to improve East-West relations during the Cold War, and included an emphasis on human rights.
There is a fair chance that one or more of these bilateral accords will be approved (in part because the Obama administration seems finally to have recognized that trade can generate good jobs), but it is far less certain that the president will gain the authority needed to negotiate a new global trade deal.
The negotiating formula of "land for peace" and "breakthroughs" like the Oslo accords failed to dampen the conflict because the Arabs understandably interpret Israeli concessions as signs of weakness.
Mahmoud Abbas, Arafat’s longtime deputy and the architect of the Oslo accords, quickly secured the backing of Fatah, the PLO’s core body.
Indeed, Karadzic and Mladic have evaded arrest for years; indeed, since the Dayton peace accords were signed.
It makes it possible for Merkel to offer Greece a fresh start, because it is the right thing to do and because it accords with Germany’s own experience and history.
While hosting1997's Islamic Conference Organization summit last December, Iran drafted and promoted a resolution accepting the 1993 Oslo accords which established the framework for an Arab-Israeli peace.
Its constructive stance derives from a worldview that accords pride of place to the values of democracy, social justice, economic development, and environmental protection.
Those accords resemble Cold War arms treaties in form, but differ in content.
The Gulf War led to the Madrid Peace Conference in 1991 and the subsequent Oslo accords between the PLO and Israel in 1993.
Bosnia and Herzegovina, for example, is still wrestling with the constraints of the Dayton peace accords.
Greater Europe, in which I include not only Russia, but also the US, needs a new peace treaty, or rather system of accords, that draw a line under Europe’s horrible twentieth century and thus prevent a historical relapse.
The 1993 Oslo accords set in motion a peace process that was supposed to last five years, with the end goal being an independent Palestinian state and a safe, secure, and recognized Israel.
But they could re-energize the security dialogue between the two countries and lay the foundation for future accords on other, more controversial issues.
Similarly, they can begin to think about how to protect and promote global trade in the absence of new US-led accords.
But America’s proposal is not ambitious enough, and, perhaps more important, it ignores the failure of past attempts to modernize key accords, such as the Treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe and the Open Skies Treaty.
Both accords arose after flash floods linked to suspected discharges from Chinese projects in Tibet repeatedly ravaged India’s Arunachal and Himachal states.
Whereas previous presidents have viewed international accords in the context of broader US trade and security strategy, Trump looks at them in isolation.
Reform of the judiciary, conceived 16 years ago and strengthened through the peace accords, is sadly still being debated.
They could invoke the Commerce Clause of the Constitution as part of an effort to prevent states from signing climate accords with foreign countries.
Despite wars in Lebanon and Gaza, and the intifadas in the occupied West Bank, these parameters have proven surprisingly stable for decades, anchored by the peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan and the Oslo accords with the Palestinians.
This opt-in approach has some critics, but whether a program is categorized as “voluntary” or “mandatory” is beside the point, because international accords generally apply only to the sovereign countries that have decided to join them.
China deflects attention from its refusal to share water, or to enter into institutionalized cooperation to manage common rivers sustainably, by flaunting the accords that it has signed on sharing flow statistics with riparian neighbors.
These are not agreements to cooperate on shared resources, but rather commercial accords to sell hydrological data that other upstream countries provide free to downriver states.
Although China has signed the Kyoto Protocol and some 50 other international environmental accords, we do little to honor them.
Elsewhere, various versions of the Basel 1 and Basel 2 accords on international banking standards are in operation, sometimes with ad hoc supplements.
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