Example collocations logo

Accession in sentence

468 examples of Accession in a sentence

An estimated 600,000 Roma children of primary school age living in the EU accession countries are not attending school at all.
The accession of Jorge Mario Bergoglio to the papacy adds to the puzzle.
For Poles, the dream was realized on May 1 with EU accession.
This would have amounted to an eastward shift for Ukraine, with accession to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s Eurasian Union ruling out any possibility of ever joining the EU.
Today, both "conservative democrats" and liberals advocate passing all the reforms needed to gain accession to the EU, while opponents include extreme nationalists, of both left and right, as well as some elements of the "secular" establishment.
That seduction should begin this year, with an agenda that sets the process and timeframe for accession, to be followed by an EU-Turkey Treaty that confirms the country’s accession by 2020.
Both want Russia to complete its accession to the World Trade Organization.
Initially, President Bashar's accession to power was accompanied by a modest, but noticeable political thaw.
Their claims that progress would lead to accession were shown to be false, and an important incentive for officials was eliminated.
If the process leading to EU accession is put back on track, it will greatly aid the effort to ensure that Turkey becomes an open society.
The US has supported Turkey’s accession to the EU, but its efforts would have more credibility in Europe if it also pressed Turkey to address its shortcomings.
Europe would strengthen itself economically and militarily if Turkey became a member, and it should revive accession negotiations on the same basis as other member states if Turkey meets the political criteria, including press freedom.
Some economists attribute the current surge of populism to the “hyper-globalization” of the 1990s, with liberalization of international financial flows and the creation of the World Trade Organization – and particularly China’s WTO accession in 2001 – receiving the most attention.
In the Czech Republic and in Hungary (but not Poland) enthusiasm for accession into NATO is mixed: the public knows that membership entails no magic solution for their problems and that, in the first phase, it will entail as many costs as benefits.
Both Romania’s recent treaty with Hungary (in which each country recognized, at long last, their common border), the campaign of the winning coalition led by current president Emil Constantinescu (which ousted Iliescu), and the various economic and diplomatic steps taken ever since Constantinescu and his allies came to power, are geared to Romanian accession to NATO, which is presented as a solution to all the country’s ills.This rejection by NATO, for which possibility the government made no effort to prepare the population, will likely be seen as a national humiliation, a sign that no matter how virtuously they behave Romanians will never be considered as real EuropeansA more prudent strategy is that pursued by Ukraine, which tries to keep good relations with Russia while giving priority to relations with the West.
“A tempest in a teapot” is perhaps the best description of the recent squabbles about opening the European Union’s accession negotiations with Turkey.
The Austrian government’s posturing – motivated as much by its upcoming elections as genuine foreign policy concerns – seemed to threaten the opening of the accession talks themselves.
After a bit of drama, Austria also gave up its opposition to the accession talks, in exchange for a promise of admission for Croatia, and the intra-European squabbles have been patched up.
Accession negotiations with Turkey are now a fact.
But much of the debate about Turkey’s possible accession has been focused on the wrong issues: whether Turkey is culturally “in line” with Europe or whether Europe is in some sense “Christian” and could assimilate 100 million Muslims.
Had the start of accession negotiations been postponed or canceled, Turkey’s pro-Europeans would have suffered from a nationalist backlash.
Advocates of a conditioned accession are thus under extraordinary pressure to be nice, even as Turkish officials stage provocations, like the recent suit against the noted author Orhan Pamuk for “public denigration of Turkish identity” because he dared to question the official position on the Armenian genocide.
As a result, a general lack of clarity about what kind of Turkey should be accepted characterizes the accession debate, which focuses – much as in the recent referenda on the EU constitution in France and the Netherlands – on rather meaningless generalities.
But, more importantly, the lack of clarity on the Turkish accession question reflects Europe’s ambivalence regarding its image of itself.
That government has undertaken various important democratic reforms and initiated accession negotiations with the EU.
Some argue that it would be better to leave Cyprus alone and revisit the problem only in the closing stages of Turkey’s EU accession.
Turkey would then have to conduct dual negotiations – over Cyprus and over its own EU accession.
For Greek Cypriots, the failure of Turkey’s accession talks in this way would also end any chance of resolving the Cyprus problem.
It may also be constructive to take advantage of transitional provisions linked to Turkey’s EU accession.
Not much has changed since accession talks began this October.
BackNext